Small, easily weaponizable drones have become a feature of battlefields from the Middle East to Ukraine. Now the threat looms over the US homeland—and the Pentagon's ability to respond is limited.

A spectre is haunting the United States—the spectre of drone warfare.

Since the middle of November, unidentified unmanned aerial vehicles have lit up the skies above New Jersey, startling residents and baffling military and government officials. The US Army’s Picatinny Arsenal research and manufacturing facility in the state’s Morris County reported 11 confirmed instances of mysterious drones illegally entering its airspace since the middle of the month, while a dozen drones were spotted hovering over US Naval Weapons Station Earle in Monmouth County in early December. Similar sightings were reported in at least six other counties throughout the state; according to the Coast Guard, a group of drones even followed one of the service’s vessels “in close pursuit” near a state park.

The spate of drone sightings in the skies above New Jersey have caused alarm among state lawmakers, prompting one to call for a “limited state of emergency … until the public receives an explanation” regarding the source of the unidentified drones. One Republican US congressman even claimed the drones were originating from an Iranian “mothership” lurking off of the state’s coastline, an assertion the US Defense Department quickly batted down.

“As you know, Joint Base McGuire-Dix-Lakehurst possess \[sic\] capabilities to identify and take down unauthorized unmanned aerial systems and have utilized this capability to address overflights of the installation,” New Jersey representative Chris Smith told Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin in a December 10 letter. “I urgently request all capabilities possessed by the Department of Defense, especially those in use by JBMDL to be immediately deployed to identify and address the potential threats posed by \[drones\] over the state of New Jersey.”

Despite the growing chorus of concern from New Jersey lawmakers, the US military appears relatively unimpressed with the sudden incursions. In a December 11 statement, US Northern Command (NORTHCOM) revealed that the command had “conducted a deliberate analysis of the events, in consultation with other military organizations and interagency partners, and at this time we have not been requested to assist with these events.” The following day, White House national security communications adviser John Kirby stated that many of the alleged drone sightings that had alarmed civilian observers on the ground in recent weeks were, in fact, conventional manned aircraft. The Federal Bureau of Investigation and Department of Homeland Security echoed this assessment in a statement on Thursday, saying, “it appears that many of the reported sightings are actually manned aircraft, operating lawfully. There are no reported or confirmed drone sightings in any restricted air space.”

“At this time, we have no evidence that these activities are coming from a foreign entity or the work of an adversary. We're going to continue to monitor what is happening,” deputy Pentagon press secretary Sabrina Singh told reporters on Wednesday. “At no point were our installations threatened when this activity was occurring." (In an interesting confluence of events, the US Department of Justice that same day announced the arrest of a Chinese citizen for flying a drone over and taking photos of Vandenberg Space Force Base in California.)

The alarm over the sudden drone incursions over New Jersey, neighboring New York and Pennsylvania, and near sensitive US government sites in particular, even if overblown, isn’t completely unwarranted: Officials at North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD)—the joint US-Canadian military organization tasked with overseeing air sovereignty on the continent—revealed in October that they had received reports of nearly 600 incursions above domestic US military installations since 2022.

The issue is, US law severely limits how the US military can respond to these mysterious drones—even if the number of incidents has been growing for years.

Indeed, for several months earlier this year, unidentified drones repeatedly circled Plant 42 in California, the Edwards Air Force Base installation where defense contractor Northrop Grumman has been working on the Air Force’s vaunted new B-21 Raider stealth bombers. In December 2023, Langley Air Force Base in Virginia was targeted by a wave of mysterious drone overflights, prompting the Pentagon to relocate a contingent of F-22 Raptor fighter jets stationed there to another base. And the New Jersey incidents come on the heels of a mid-November series of drone incursions near RAF Lakenheath in the United Kingdom, which, while not a US domestic installation, hosts a strategically-important contingent of American fighter jets, among other capabilities.

It appears that Pentagon assets in the continental United States have been subject to such drone activity as far back as 2019, when a fleet of US Navy Arleigh Burke-class destroyers was shadowed by a swarm of drones for several days during maneuvers at a training range off the coast of southern California. Later that year, a series of mysterious drone sightings in eastern Colorado and western Nebraska and Kansas confounded not just local law enforcement and federal agencies, but alarmed Air Force officers at nearby F.E. Warren Air Force Base in Wyoming, home to one of the Pentagon’s many Minuteman III ICBM fields.

These incidents aren’t limited to US military facilities. In October 2023, several drones were detected in the airspace above the US Energy Department’s Nevada National Security Site, which is used for nuclear research and development, the Wall Street Journal recently reported. And back in 2019, the Palo Verde Nuclear Generating Station in Arizona—the most powerful nuclear power plant in the United States—was subject to a series of mass drone incursions that Nuclear Regulatory Commission officials would later characterize as a “drone-a-palooza,” albeit with grave concern over the potential vulnerability exposed by the incursion, according to email correspondence obtained by The War Zone in 2020.

“I would point out that restricted airspace will do nothing to stop an adversarial attack and even the detection systems identified earlier in this email chain have limited success rates, and there is even lower likelihood that law enforcement will arrive quickly enough to actually engage with the pilots,” one senior NRC security official at Palo Verde wrote in an email regarding the incident. “We should be focusing our attention on getting Federal regulations and laws changed to allow sites to be defended and to identify engineering fixes that would mitigate an adversarial attack before there our \[sic\] licensed facilities become vulnerable.”

While unmanned aerial vehicles have been in military use for generations for surveillance and reconnaissance, the US military is largely responsible for transforming modern drones into vehicles of precision violence during the early years of the Global War on Terrorism, a policy especially expanded under US president Barack Obama. In more recent years, the rise of cheap, commercially-available unmanned platforms like those used by hobbyists has turned the small drone into the weapon of choice for both nation states and irregular forces abroad, from militant groups like ISIS In Iraq and Syria and the Iran-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen to the Russian and Ukrainian militaries. With a potential conflict with China over Taiwan looming on the horizon amid the US military’s pivot to “great power competition,” the Pentagon is itself in the midst of a major surge in both unmanned capabilities and technology to defend against weaponized drones belonging to foreign adversaries.

The US military has been slowly but surely adjusting to the sudden spike in mysterious drone incursions near sensitive sites across the United States with an expanded counter-drone strategy. In early December, Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin signed the Pentagon’s new Strategy for Countering Unmanned Systems, which seeks to unify disparate DoD efforts to address the rise of drone threats both at home and abroad into a single coherent framework, one that implicitly acknowledges the potential for the rising tide of domestic drone threats to grow from intrusive surveillance risks to something more damaging.

“From the Middle East to Ukraine and across the globe—including in the US homeland—unmanned systems are reshaping tactics, techniques, and procedures; challenging established operational principles; and condensing military innovation cycles,” the unclassified fact sheet on the new Pentagon strategy states. “The relatively low-cost, widely available nature of these systems has, in effect, democratized precision strike.”

The Pentagon has been working overtime to field fresh counter-drone capabilities to US forces deployed overseas in recent years, including traditional firearms outfitted with computerized optics and remotely operated vehicle-mounted heavy weapons turrets, laser-guided rocket and missile systems, AI-assisted kinetic interceptors, radio frequency- and Global Positioning System-jamming electronic warfare suites, and even exotic directed energy weapons like high-energy lasers and high-powered microwaves, among others. As recently as late October, NORTHCOM was working in conjunction with the Federal Aviation Administration to demo fresh counter-drone tech as part of its Falcon Peak 2025 experiment at Fort Carson in Colorado.

“By all indications, \[small unmanned aerial systems\] will present a safety and security risk to military installations and other critical infrastructure for the foreseeable future,” NORTHCOM boss Air Force general Gregory Guillot told reporters at the time. “Mitigating those risks requires a dedicated effort across all federal departments and agencies, state, local, tribal and territorial communities, and Congress to further develop the capabilities, coordination and legal authorities necessary for detecting, tracking and addressing potential sUAS threats in the homeland.”

But US military officials also indicated to reporters that the types of counter-drone capabilities the Pentagon may be able to bring to bear for domestic defense may be limited to non-kinetic “soft kill” means like RF and GPS signal jamming and other relatively low-tech interception techniques like nets and “string streamers” due to legal constraints on the US military’s ability to engage with drones over American soil.

“The threat, and the need to counter these threats, is growing faster than the policies and procedures that \[are\] in place can keep up with,” as Guillot told reporters during the counter-drone experiment. “A lot of the tasks we have in the homeland, it’s a very sophisticated environment in that it’s complicated from a regulatory perspective. It’s a very civilianized environment. It’s not a war zone.”

Defense officials echoed this sentiment during the unveiling of the Pentagon’s new counter-drone strategy in early December.

“The homeland is a very different environment in that we have a lot of hobbyist drones here that are no threat at all, that are sort of congesting the environment,” a senior US official told reporters at the time. “At the same time, we have, from a statutory perspective and from an intelligence perspective, quite rightly, \[a\] more constrained environment in terms of our ability to act.”

The statute in question, according to defense officials, is a specific subsection of Title 10 of the US Code, which governs the US armed forces. The section, known as 130(i), encompasses military authorities regarding the “protection of certain facilities and assets from unmanned aircraft.” It gives US forces the authority to take “action” to defend against drones, including with measures to “disrupt control of the unmanned aircraft system or unmanned aircraft, without prior consent, including by disabling the unmanned aircraft system or unmanned aircraft by intercepting, interfering, or causing interference with wire, oral, electronic, or radio communications used to control the unmanned aircraft system or unmanned aircraft” and to “use reasonable force to disable, damage, or destroy the unmanned aircraft system or unmanned aircraft.”

As The War Zone points out, 130i limits when and where the US military can actually deploy counter-drone assets outside of immediate self-defense in the face of an imminent threat. Notably, it requires the defense secretary to “coordinate” with both the US transportation secretary and Federal Aviation Administration (FAA) administrator regarding any counter-drone implementation that “might affect aviation safety, civilian aviation and aerospace operations, aircraft airworthiness, or the use of airspace.” Not only that, but 130i authority is only applicable to a specific list of installations, mainly those dealing with nuclear deterrence and missile defense functions of the US national security apparatus.

This, in turn, limits what kinds of counter-drone systems the US military can actually employ domestically. Service members may be up to their eyes in fresh counter-drone tech overseas, but the regulatory environment at home is rigid enough that “hard kill” solutions like missiles, guns, and other kinetic interceptors aren't even considered potential options because there’s simply too much risk that they might end up inflicting collateral damage on innocent, unsuspecting civilians in nearby neighborhoods. Even “soft kill” solutions like RF and GPS jamming require coordination with the FAA and other federal agencies to prevent potential harm to civilian air travel, approvals that could slow down the reaction time among base security forces amid a potential drone incursion.

“Given the impact of GPS denial, just across infrastructure and all that stuff, it is a very, very difficult capability to get permissions to utilize,” as one official told The War Zone at Falcon Peak.

While the Pentagon’s broad new counter-drone strategy is a step in the right direction when it comes to bolstering domestic drone defenses, Congress is taking action as well. In the compromise version of the annual National Defense Authorization Act defense budget legislation unveiled in December, lawmakers included language calling upon the Pentagon to not just conduct an assessment of the counter-drone technology landscape at large, but generate recommendations on how policy changes could reduce the amount of burdensome bureaucratic coordination between federal agencies required to address the growing number of drone incursions—and, in an ideal world, allow the US military to move quickly and decisively to counter intrusive drones at sensitive installations before they become dangerous.

“We agree that US troops have the inherent right of self defense, including from \[drone\] attacks, wherever they may be,” the explanatory statement accompanying the compromise NDAA says.

At the moment, the Pentagon seems unconvinced that the Northeast drone sightings and earlier incursions are connected to a foreign adversary. But with lawmakers increasingly concerned with the potential threat to sensitive installations and critical infrastructure in their states, the US military’s renewed approach to counter-drone defense can’t come soon enough.

Why the US Military Can't Just Shoot Down the Mystery Drones

AI creates what it’s told to, from plucking fanciful evidence from thin air, to arbitrarily removing people’s rights, to sowing doubt over public misdeeds.

OpenAI CEO Sam Altman expects AGI, or artificial general intelligence—AI that outperforms humans at most tasks—around 2027 or 2028. Elon Musk’s prediction is either 2025 or 2026, and he has claimed that he was "losing sleep over the threat of AI danger." Such predictions are wrong. As the limitations of current AI become increasingly clear, most AI researchers have come to the view that simply building bigger and more powerful chatbots won’t lead to AGI.

However, in 2025, AI will still pose a massive risk: not from artificial superintelligence, but from human misuse.

These might be unintentional misuses, such as lawyers over-relying on AI. After the release of ChatGPT, for instance, a number of lawyers have been sanctioned for using AI to generate erroneous court briefings, apparently unaware of chatbots’ tendency to make stuff up. In British Columbia, lawyer Chong Ke was ordered to pay costs for opposing counsel after she included fictitious AI-generated cases in a legal filing. In New York, Steven Schwartz and Peter LoDuca were fined $5,000 for providing false citations. In Colorado, Zachariah Crabill was suspended for a year for using fictitious court cases generated using ChatGPT and blaming a "legal intern" for the mistakes. The list is growing quickly.

Other misuses are intentional. In January 2024, sexually explicit deepfakes of Taylor Swift flooded social media platforms. These images were created using Microsoft’s “Designer” AI tool. While the company had guardrails to avoid generating images of real people, misspelling Swift's name was enough to bypass them. Microsoft has since fixed this error. But Taylor Swift is the tip of the iceberg, and non-consensual deepfakes are proliferating widely—in part because open-source tools to create deepfakes are available publicly. Ongoing legislation across the world seeks to combat deepfakes in hope of curbing the damage. Whether it is effective remains to be seen.

In 2025, it will get even harder to distinguish what’s real from what’s made up. The fidelity of AI-generated audio, text, and images is remarkable, and video will be next. This could lead to the "liar's dividend": those in positions of power repudiating evidence of their misbehavior by claiming that it is fake. In 2023, Tesla argued that a 2016 video of Elon Musk could have been a deepfake in response to allegations that the CEO had exaggerated the safety of Tesla autopilot leading to an accident. An Indian politician claimed that audio clips of him acknowledging corruption in his political party were doctored (the audio in at least one of his clips was verified as real by a press outlet). And two defendants in the January 6 riots claimed that videos they appeared in were deepfakes. Both were found guilty.

Meanwhile, companies are exploiting public confusion to sell fundamentally dubious products by labeling them “AI.” This can go badly wrong when such tools are used to classify people and make consequential decisions about them. Hiring company Retorio, for instance, claims that its AI predicts candidates' job suitability based on video interviews, but a study found that the system can be tricked simply by the presence of glasses or by replacing a plain background with a bookshelf, showing that it relies on superficial correlations.

There are also dozens of applications in health care, education, finance, criminal justice, and insurance where AI is currently being used to deny people important life opportunities. In the Netherlands, the Dutch tax authority used an AI algorithm to identify people who committed child welfare fraud. It wrongly accused thousands of parents, often demanding to pay back tens of thousands of euros. In the fallout, the Prime Minister and his entire cabinet resigned.

In 2025, we expect AI risks to arise not from AI acting on its own, but because of what people do with it. That includes cases where it _seems_ to work well and is over-relied upon (lawyers using ChatGPT); when it works well and is misused (non-consensual deepfakes and the liar's dividend); and when it is simply not fit for purpose (denying people their rights). Mitigating these risks is a mammoth task for companies, governments, and society. It will be hard enough without getting distracted by sci-fi worries.

Human Misuse Will Make Artificial Intelligence More Dangerous

The white supremacist Robert Rundo faces years in prison. But the “Active Club” network he helped create has proliferated in countries around the world, from Eastern Europe to South America.

American neo-Nazi Robert Rundo’s six-year “battle with the feds”—a fight that spans two dismissals, three appellate reversals, and an extradition and deportation from at least two countries—concludes today with his sentencing to federal prison for attacking ideological opponents at political rallies across California in 2017.

Along with several members of the Rise Above Movement, a fight club-cum-street gang Rundo cofounded with fellow extremist Ben Daley in Southern California during the peak of the alt-right movement, Rundo was convicted on 2018 charges of conspiracy to violate the federal Anti-Riot Act for training and planning a series of attacks on political opponents at rallies across California and Unite the Right in Virginia the year prior. While Rundo may be locked behind bars for years, the movement he created is running wild around the globe.

In the interceding years since his initial arrest, indictment, imprisonment, and flight from the US after his case was initially dismissed in 2019, Rundo helped mastermind an international network of RAM clones known as “Active Clubs.” A transnational alliance of far-right fight clubs that closely overlap with skinhead gangs and neofascist political movements in North America, Europe, the Antipodes, and South America, the Active Club network is proliferating internationally. There are dozens of Active Clubs in the United States, United Kingdom, Ireland, France, Germany, Holland, Scandinavia, Australia, and Colombia, according to the groups’ presence on Telegram and extremism researchers.

Seemingly harmless from the outside, Active Clubs are small groups of young men who go on hikes, train in combat sports, weight-lift, and build camaraderie—all part of the Rise Above Movement’s original program. But the darkness is in the details: The groups’ membership often overlaps with other extremist organizations like Patriot Front, criminal skinhead groups like the Hammerskins, and other violent extremists in foreign nations. Some US-based Active Clubs are branching out into political intimidation and violence, like the Rise Above Movement before them.

“I definitely do believe that in the future there needs to be a mass movement, a mass organization, but when it comes for that, do you really want a bunch of guys coming strictly from the online world to come join a mass movement without having any experience or skills?” Rundo said in a video posted online shortly before his March 2023 arrest in Bucharest, Romania. “Active clubs are a great local way to start guys off as they come from the online world into the real world, to learn actual skills.”

Hannah Gais, a senior research analyst at the Southern Poverty Law Center who has long researched Rundo and his associates, says the Active Club model stands out for its low barrier to entry, emphasis on positive community building to draw new blood from outside of extremist circles, and a ready-made international network. “The model has really made it easier to facilitate those transnational connections,” Gais says. “If you’re not an organization, then you can network with whoever you want.”

The Active Club network is seeing expanded breadth and growing significance in street politics (American members appeared alongside foreign counterparts at extreme right-wing demonstrations in Paris this May and Warsaw this fall), a fact emphasized by US prosecutors in their filing seeking prison time for Rundo. Federal attorneys scoured Rundo’s media output—which is considerable, ranging from a series of far-right “influencer” Telegram channels to the Media2Rise propaganda outlet that he ran in conjunction with stateside followers and members of Patriot Front—for their explanation of how seemingly innocuous fitness organizations like Active Clubs serve as vehicles for radicalization.

In a November 26 sentencing memorandum, prosecutors flagged Rundo’s description of the Active Cub network as “brush fire effect” that will be difficult for authorities to stamp out “because these clubs are generally small and local, helping to shield it from infiltrators and broader law enforcement actions.”

The Active Club ideology also leans heavily on young male grievances against a world that supposedly singles them out in favor of people of color and LGBTQ+ youth. “Defendant lamented that ‘\[b\]oy scouts no longer teach boys how to be men, instead softening them up, discouring \[sic\] any forms of competition, accepting girls, and promoting LGBT values,’ and encouraged Active Clubs to ‘put out propaganda’ to ‘let\[\] our own know the fight is not over,’ the government’s filing reads.

The Active Club network was not Rundo’s creation alone: He came up with the idea along with Denis Nikitin, a German-Russian neo-Nazi who started out as a soccer hooligan before moving into combat sports as a fighter, promoter, and organizer of far-right tournaments. According to exhibits filed by US prosecutors, Nikitin counseled Rundo on how to flee the US in 2018 while dodging what he believed to be his first arrest warrant, and sought to smuggle him into Ukraine with the assistance of the Azov Movement (a neo-Nazi political movement that has its own paramilitary forces integrated with the Ukrainian military and organizes with other similar extremist groups across Europe) and its allies in that country’s security services. Nikitin is not currently charged with an offense by the United States government.

Nikitin, whose legal surname is Kapustin, is one of Europe’s most influential neo-Nazi activists, starting out small with fight club events held in backwater Russian cities among amateurs from soccer hooligan and skinhead groups. In 2012, Nikitin’s MMA tournament promotion vehicle, White Rex, ran its first tournament outside Russia, in Kyiv. Soon Nikitin was hosting tournaments in Italy, Hungary, France, Germany, Greece, and elsewhere.

Nikitin also got his hands dirty. He allegedly participated in the hooligan riot during Russia’s 2016 European Championship clash with England in Marseille and trained British Nazis in armed combat tactics in 2014 at camps in England and Wales, as well as Swiss extremists in 2017. In 2019, he was reportedly banned from the European Union’s Schengen Zone for promoting extremism in several countries.

Nikitin currently leads a volunteer combat battalion of far-right wing extremists in association with Ukrainian command that spearheaded a surprise assault on Russia’s Kursk region earlier this year.

Since Rundo and Kapustin coined the concept of an Active Club in 2021 on an eponymous podcast, the neo-Nazi fight clubs have proliferated throughout Western Europe, Australia, and the United States, and are currently the preeminent organizing model for far-right streetfighters. Their members have been involved in political violence in the US and France, have been banned and arrested in Germany, and are a growing concern for UK and Irish law enforcement as the place of their recruiting has skyrocketed following this summer's riots.

Michael Vandelune, a research fellow at the American Counterterrorism Targeting & Resilience Institute, has long studied transnational networking by neo-fascist groups, including Rundo’s relationship with Nikitin. “Rundo was building on the Eastern European emphasis on hypermasculinity and physical fitness, and in many ways, he was a perfect Western mouthpiece for Nikitin and similar peoples’ ideas,” Vandelune says. Rundo’s devotion to Nikitin is apparent: While getting RAM off the ground, he repeatedly cited Nikitin’s white-nationalist clothing brand and MMA promotion company White Rex as inspiration, and got the company’s logo tattooed on his shin in 2018.

Along with members of the Azov Movement’s 3rd Assault Battalion who have been integrated into the regular units of Ukraine military intelligence directorate (HUR), Nikitin hosted a September conference in Lviv that gathered representatives from extreme right-wing organizations across Europe for a strategy conference. Italian fascist organization Casapound, which Rundo visited in 2018 and views as an exemplar, sent a representative, as did Germany’s openly neo-Nazi party Dritte Weg (Third Way).

Patrick Macdonald, a Canadian known as ‘Dark Foreigner’ who allegedly produced the neo-Nazi group Atomwaffen Division’s eyecatching signature far-right propaganda at the end of the last decade, did the same work for the Active Club network, according to testimony given during his trial in Ottawa this month (Macdonald has plead not guilty to several charges, including participating in terrorist activity). Last year, the Canadian Anti-Hate Network identified Macdonald as a participant in Canada’s Active Club.

Outside of North America, the Active Clubs have proliferated most widely in France, the first European country to start such an organization. There are currently at least 50 such organizations in operation across the country, from Normandy to Provence and the Swiss border.

Sébastien Bourdon, a French journalist with Le Monde’s video investigations unit who authored a forthcoming book on that country’s far-right, says Active Clubs are the fastest-expanding facet of far-right militancy in France.

“When they launched the first Active Club in France in early 2022, within a few months they had 10 to15 groups. That’s already quite a lot. The fact that within two years they’ve grown from 15 groups to 50-plus groups throughout the country is mad,” Bourdon says. “Historically, most far-right groups in France have been active in big cities like Paris, Lyon, but if you look at some of the places they claim, some of them I’ve never heard of before.”

In France, where far-right street violence has a decades-long history despite authorities’ attempts to ban and dissolve organized groups, Bourdon says Active Clubs have proved effective at dodging legal crackdowns while appearing to have carried out acts of violence including an attack on an asylum center near Nantes last year. At least one founding member of the Active Club in Lyon has gone on to fight in Ukraine alongside other far-right volunteers.

As for Rundo, he will likely spend years in prison—a place he’s been before. He previously served nearly two years for stabbing a rival gang member in Flushing Queens in 2009. While he did radicalize during his stint at New York’s Greene Correctional Facility, starting a small white power gang, Rundo’s forthcoming prison term will mark his first federal term as a certified domestic extremist. But it remains unlikely that federal lockup will change his ideologies.

Rundo “has not renounced the violent extremist ideology that motivated that conduct,” US prosecutors wrote in their sentencing memo. It’s also likely that Rundo will hold out for help from a friendlier government.

Prior to the US election in November, Rundo urged his supporters to vote for Donald Trump specifically in the hope that the Republican president-elect would pardon him and other extremists who plead guilty to federal crimes. Since the election, there has been a sustained pardon campaign from corners of the far-right internet, which is a possibility since Rundo will be serving time in a federal prison when the incoming administration is sworn in this January.

As the Mastermind of Far-Right ‘Active Clubs’ Goes to Prison, His Violent Movement Goes Global

The design of the gun police say they found on the alleged UnitedHealthcare CEO’s killer—the FMDA or “Free Men Don’t Ask”—was released by a libertarian group.

More than a decade after the advent of the 3D-printed gun as an icon of libertarianism and a gun control nightmare, police say one of those homemade plastic weapons has now been found in the hands of perhaps the world’s most high-profile alleged killer. For the community of DIY gunsmiths who have spent years honing those printable firearm models, in fact, the handgun police claim Luigi Mangione used to fatally shoot UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson is as recognizable as the now-famous alleged shooter himself—and shows just how practical and lethal those weapons have become.

In the 24 hours since police released a photo of what they say is Mangione’s gun following the 26-year-old’s arrest Monday, the online community devoted to 3D-printed firearms has been quick to identify the suspected murder weapon as a particular model of printable “ghost gun”—a homemade weapon with no serial number, created by assembling a mix of commercial and DIY parts. The gun appears to be a Chairmanwon V1, a tweak of a popular partially 3D-printed Glock-style design known as the FMDA 19.2—an acronym that stands for the libertarian slogan “Free Men Don’t Ask.”

The FMDA 19.2, released in 2021, is a relatively old model by 3D-printed-gun standards, says one gunsmith who goes by the first name John and the online handle Mr. Snow Makes. But it’s one of the most well-known and well-tested printable ghost gun designs, he says. The Chairmanwon V1 remix that police say Mangione had in his possession when he was arrested in a Altoona, Pennsylvania McDonald’s varies from that original FMDA 19.2 design only in that another amateur gunsmith, who goes by the pseudonym Chairmanwon, added a different texture to the gun’s grip.

“For someone who has been building firearms like this for five years, it’s a bit of an odd choice. We’ve been building nicer models,” says Mr. Snow Makes, who hosts an annual ghost gun shooting competition. But he adds that “this is one of the earliest 3D-print Glock styles that was widely tested and successful at creating a reliably functional firearm.”

Authorities in New York charged Mangione on Monday in the December 4 murder of Thompson, alongside weapons charges and other alleged offenses in Pennsylvania. A handwritten “manifesto” police say they found on Mangione's person upon his arrest laments UnitedHealthcare's practices and the US health insurance industry more broadly. Bullet casings discovered at the scene of the shooting outside the New York Hilton Midtown hotel in Manhattan were reportedly emblazoned with the words “deny,” “defend,” “depose”—likely criticisms of health care industry practices.

The fact that even a relatively old model of 3D-printed firearm allegedly allowed Mangione to shoot Thompson repeatedly on a Manhattan street—certainly the most high-profile shooting ever committed with a ghost gun or a 3D-printed weapon—shows how far DIY weapons tech has come, says Cody Wilson, the founder of the gun rights group Defense Distributed. Unlike the earliest 3D-printed gun models, the FDMA 19.2 can be fired hundreds or even thousands of times without its plastic components breaking.

“It just speaks to the ease with which you can do this,” says Wilson. “He doesn’t have to be an expert at 3D-printed guns or shooting, and it all works.”

Despite its simple description by law enforcement and others as a “3D-printed pistol,” the FMDA 19.2 is only partially 3D printed. That makes it fundamentally different from fully 3D-printed guns like the “Liberator,” the original one-shot, 3D-printed pistol Wilson debuted in 2013.

Instead, firearms built from designs like the FMDA 19.2 are assembled from a combination of commercially produced parts like barrels, slides, and magazines—sometimes sold in kits—and a homemade frame. Because that frame, often referred to as a “lower receiver” or “lower," is the regulated body of the gun, 3D-printing that piece or otherwise creating it at home allows DIY gunmakers to skirt gun-control laws and build ghost guns with no serial number, obtained with no background check or waiting period.

The FMDA 19.2 model, released by a group originally known as Deterrence Dispensed—a gun-building group initially inspired by Wilson’s Defense Distributed but now widely seen as a rival—was distinguished by its use of commercially available “rails,” the metal components that guide the upper part of the gun known as its slide, which retracts with every shot, resetting the trigger and loading a new round into the chamber. (In a widely circulated video of Thompson's murder, the gun allegedly fired by Mangione appears not to have functioned as a semiautomatic. That's a result of the suppressor attachment preventing its re-chambering mechanism, gunsmiths say.)

The FMDA 19.2's relatively simple tweak—the use of commercially produced metal rails instead of homemade ones—led the gun model to be considered the most practical and reliable 3D-printed Glock design available at the time it was released three years ago. “There had been earlier Glock-style pistols, but the interior rail components were not as refined,” says Mr. Snow Makes. “It’s kind of that perfect blend of 3D-printed frame and precision rails.”

Deterrence Dispensed, the group behind that FMDA 19.2 design, has since rebranded under the name “the Gatalog.” But the group’s original website still bears the libertarian gun rights slogans that summarize its ideology. “All individuals are entitled to the utility to defend their humanity,” the site reads. “Gun control has failed. You can’t stop the signal.”

A founder of Deterrence Dispensed who went by the named Jstark, later revealed to be a now-deceased German man named Jakob Duygu, was featured in a 2020 Popular Front documentary wearing a black balaclava and sunglasses. “We want people to have freedom of speech and the right to bear arms," he says in the film. “If that’s too politically extreme for you, fuck yourself.”

Just two months ago, one Bergen, New York, man who allegedly acted as an administrator for the Gatalog named Peter Celentano was arrested and charged with illegal ownership of two machine guns and numerous 3D-printed and other homemade handgun and AR-15 components.

Exactly why Mangione allegedly used a 3D-printed gun in the killing of UnitedHealthcare’s Thompson—whether as a political statement or in the belief that it would help him evade identification—remains far from clear. But as a coder and technologist, he may have been attracted to the idea. “This is the US. It’s not the easiest way to get your hands on a gun,” says another DIY gunsmith who spoke to WIRED but asked not to be named, in reference to 3D-printed firearms. “But he’s a techy guy, and he may have just owned a 3D printer. It wouldn’t be a bad way to make an untraceable gun.”

The ‘Ghost Gun’ Linked to Luigi Mangione Shows Just How Far 3D-Printed Weapons Have Come

Several recent schemes were uncovered involving poker players at casinos allegedly using miniature cameras, concealed in personal electronics, to spot cards. Should players everywhere be concerned?

Matt Berkey was becoming suspicious.

Berkey, a 42-year-old poker pro known for his presence in some of the highest-stakes cash games in Las Vegas, was playing in a well-known casino poker room over the summer. One player in the game who wasn’t particularly familiar to Berkey and other regulars at the table, but who was believed to be an amateur based on his play style, was displaying some strange behavior.

For one, the player was wearing earbuds—typically a no-no in these kinds of semi-private games where many players have existing friendships.

“Nobody has headphones on during our games,” Berkey says. “The player in question had headphones in, so that’s already a bit off.”

The player’s style of play also raised some alarms.

Texas Hold’em, the game being played, features two individual cards dealt to each player, plus five community cards dealt in stages to the center of the table. Players combine their own cards with the community cards to make the best possible five-card poker hand. There are four rounds of betting: One before any communal cards are dealt, one after the first three communal cards are spread at once (the part of the game known as “the flop”), one after the fourth communal card (“the turn”), and one more after the fifth and final communal card (“the river”).

Berkey noticed that, despite presenting as an amateur who was clearly the least skilled player at the table, the suspicious player never seemed to lose on the river. When he was in a hand that reached that point, he always either folded or showed the winning hand—one of the first red flags seasoned poker players have come to recognize in suspected cheating situations. As the thinking goes, cheaters with knowledge of their opponents’ cards prefer to wait until all communal cards are dealt before making large bets, allowing them to do so with perfect information about who holds the best hand, which often isn’t certain until that final card.

“Playing all rivers perfectly over an eight-hour sample—that’s an anomaly that isn’t really statistically possible, especially from a recreational player,” Berkey says. “When you start to see things that don’t add up, like the least skilled player in the game never showing down a losing hand, that kind of begins to trigger your suspicions.”

The player also had his phone and earbuds case arranged around him, with the case on the felt and his phone on the rail that runs along the table’s edge. While occasional phone usage at poker tables is normal, that kind of arrangement is unusual and is even something many casinos have guarded against for years. Berkey began to wonder if this game was falling victim to a new cheating scheme that word had been spreading about in high-stakes circles for months: Hidden cameras placed at felt level, capturing the faces of cards as they’re dealt and transmitting that intel to an accomplice, who then relays it back to the player at the table through an earpiece.

Berkey also noticed that the player always seemed to sit in the seats directly to the left of the casino’s dealer, even across multiple days and playing sessions. That furthered suspicions, as the rumored cheating method required a player to be in these seats to maximize camera visibility.

Berkey says he quietly alerted other regulars of his suspicions, and the game eventually broke down, but not before the player had made enormous profits. “Not just for his skill level but for the stakes he was playing,” Berkey says. “He was up hundreds of thousands of dollars playing a $10,000 buy-in game.”

Berkey says he and the other regulars in the game flagged the incident to casino staff, but they are unsure what, if any, action was taken. Security for the casino declined to comment on this incident.

Several other such incidents involving the same suspected cheating method have been rumored in various locations over the past 18 months, including one other instance WIRED verified independently. (Specific casinos where these incidents are alleged are not being named in this story to protect the safety of players who confirmed the incidents occurred.) This form of cheating is now a known concern to high-stakes poker players everywhere.

But each of these rumored incidents has lacked a “smoking gun”—proof of the measures, methods, and equipment the cheaters were using to see the cards being dealt. That is, until recently. A breaking case in France has provided revealing new evidence, fueling concerns that this cheating method is rampant around the globe and may be more advanced than anyone had assumed.

What kinds of modern technology can facilitate such a scheme? Should poker players at all levels, not just high-stakes pros, be worried about scofflaws attempting it in games they play, and what can be done to prevent it?

The recent scandal sounds like a rejected _Ocean’s_ movie script.

Following tips of suspicious behavior at a major casino in Enghien-les-Bains, French police with the Central Racing and Gaming Service (SCCJ) launched an elaborate in-person and video surveillance operation around two suspected players at both blackjack and Ultimate Texas Hold’em poker (a type of poker played against the casino rather than against fellow players). Though they were initially in the dark about the method being used, investigators soon noticed a pattern.

“They were putting \[something\] beside the \[dealing\] shoe,” Stéphane Piallat, commissioner of SCCJ, alleges to WIRED, referring to the tabletop container a dealer pulls from to draw new cards. “But it was quite difficult to understand why.”

Both players were arrested inside the French casino in late July after weeks of surveillance, with police recovering a variety of items from both their person and their hotel rooms (including ID cards from casinos around Europe that suggested a prolonged scheme). The technology seized by law enforcement amazed even a seasoned gambling fraud officer like Piallat, both for its ingenuity and its relative simplicity.

The players had allegedly modified existing smartphone cameras with simple mirrors, allowing them to capture footage on a phone’s camera sensor laterally, while the phone was in a flat position. Sitting in the seat nearest to the dealer’s shoe, they placed these devices either on the felt (concealed in some situations by a hat or another piece of clothing) or within pockets of their own clothing (with tiny holes cut out to afford the camera a view of the cards). Police say they used these devices to capture card faces as they were dealt from the shoe—a stunning realization given that casino shoes are quite literally designed to prevent card exposure by allowing the dealer to slide new cards directly onto the felt. Clearly, some exposure was still being captured.

“It’s quite incredible,” Piallat says. “They didn’t need to mark cards … Those cards were normal cards.”

Police also recovered basic communication devices that transmitted these feeds to an outside accomplice, believed to be sitting in the casino parking lot. (As of WIRED’s interview with French police, this accomplice remains at large.) The accomplice is thought to have relayed information about which cards the dealer was holding back to their partner at the table, but not through a standard earbud.

“This device is so small that you can’t take it off with your fingers,” Piallat says of the hearing device recovered by police. “You need a magnet to pull it off, otherwise you can’t do it. It looks like a typical James Bond movie device.”

Due to the ongoing nature of the investigation, police declined to provide any pictures or further details about the specific items used to facilitate this scheme. A simple look at available technology, though, offers a number of cheap, simple candidates, including several that don’t require pairing with a phone or any other large device.

“The same kind of modules that are used in your iPhone or your DSLR, you can just buy them,” says John Coles, the director of technology for the VR company Rezzil, who has also spent years working in camera and broadcast technology.

The alleged cheaters in France used simple techniques to conceal their cameras, like hiding the devices in their clothing, but much more robust options exist on the open market. A device that looks like a battery charger may not cause alarm if it was spotted sitting on a poker or blackjack table, at least in casinos where devices are generally allowed (some have stopped allowing any devices on tables); one can find a 4K, Wi-Fi capable “hidden camera powerbank” on Amazon. (It’s marketed as a “nanny camera” for surveilling your child’s babysitter, naturally.) Even smaller options exist, like a “spy camera pen” or a pinhole camera that could easily be inserted into various items. And that’s just a fraction of the true marketplace, says Coles: “If that’s what you know about publicly, the stuff that exists behind closed doors is like 10 times what you’re aware of.”

“You could probably build that into a lighter,” Coles says of a typical tiny camera rig. “There are lighters and pens that have modules integrated that still work as those items so they’re less conspicuous.”

For bad actors at traditional poker tables that feature “pitch”-style dealing instead of a more secure casino shoe, the video quality demands are even lower. Card faces are visible for exponentially longer when pitched from a dealer’s hand situated a foot or so above the card table.

The transmission element of the scheme is similarly attainable using today’s technology. You can buy a “mini spy earpiece” from Amazon that receives signals from an inductive coil for just $18. An entire industry of earpieces appears to exist for exam cheating purposes, from tiny Bluetooth earpieces that connect to a phone to setups contained within glasses and pens. It’s easy to imagine these methods converted for use in cheating at the card table, especially when aided by basic video-calling technology and access to the Wi-Fi networks offered at most casinos. In fact, while police say the suspects in France allegedly used separate devices for capture and transmission, Coles believes it would be simple enough to handle the entire operation with a single device.

“I think it’s kind of surprising that a lot of these things don’t happen sooner, to be perfectly honest,” Coles says, noting that many of these cameras, earpieces, and transmitters have existed for a decade or more.

“You could do it with a very cheap investment,” Piallat says. “You won’t need a lot of money.”

Clearly, these schemes are out there and available. So should poker players everywhere be concerned?

Mini-camera cheating is now an open secret in the poker community, from its references in forums to an entire August episode from Berkey’s _Only Friends_ podcast that covered the alleged methods in detail. And if casinos and law enforcement weren’t aware of it much earlier, they certainly are now; Piallat confirmed to WIRED that his unit dispersed information about the case around the globe through Interpol networks.

What can casinos, players, and law enforcement do about it, though?

The first step is simple vigilance, something all these parties are well-versed in. Policing of suspicious players happens at casino level. WIRED independently confirmed a separate alleged incident at a different casino in June that included an individual reportedly earning seven-figure profits before disappearing. The alleged cheater in this case hasn’t been seen since, and Berkey wonders if he was banned from this and possibly other casinos.

“It would seem as though the Vegas casinos have acted,” Berkey says.

Those are retroactive measures, though; what about stopping this cheating as or before it happens?

Some Vegas casinos, per multiple sources, have begun banning phones from being set down at felt level on tables. Many casinos have long had policies prohibiting phone use during hands, and some have even banned phones entirely in prior years, and now these efforts are growing more widespread. However, with the knowledge that today’s miniature cameras can be built into lighters, pens, and other non-phone devices, is that enough of a safety measure? A true “no items on the table whatsoever” rule feels more prudent, but will casinos view that as too invasive toward their clientele? Then there’s a whole separate conversation about placing devices on the rail, which is where players rest their elbows and which sits slightly higher than the felt itself.

“There will be guys who want to watch the game at the table and have their phone propped up,” Berkey says. “That should just be fine. It’s a fine line; it’s a gray line.”

Berkey even suggested some sort of hybrid arrangement where phones or other devices are allowed so long as they sit behind chips or some other item that blocks their view of the felt. These solutions, though, also fail to account for rings or other jewelry that may contain a concealed camera.

The device removal tactic would have run into another big snag when the arrests in France took place: One of the suspects had nothing on the table at all. He allegedly concealed a camera in his clothing. If that scheme worked to capture card faces out of a dealer’s shoe, it would definitely work for the traditional dealer-pitch style used in Vegas.

The better long-term solution, one Berkey and others in the poker world support, involves retraining the dealers—a process that’s already begun.

The European Poker Tour has introduced a new form of dealer pitch known as slide dealing, where the deck remains on the table and the dealer slides each top card off individually to greatly minimize or eliminate any exposure. EPT tournament director Toby Stone directly cited issues of camera cheating as the impetus behind this change, which took effect within the past couple of months.

Casinos could take it even further; some have been cracking down for years. The Star casinos in Australia, for instance, have long used a modified version of a blackjack shoe meant for a single poker deck, which sits at the center of the table and allows cards to slide out from within it. This ostensibly makes it much harder to capture cards than from the traditional blackjack shoe placed at the very side of the table, closer to potential cameras. Anecdotally, these contraptions also seem to limit or eliminate other common risks like bottom-dealing or cards flipping over while being dealt.

While it might take time to retrain the world’s legion of poker dealers to mitigate these schemes, that could be the eventual outcome here.

“I’ve spoken to a few of the \[casino\] higher-ups, and it seems they’re all open to the idea of retraining dealers,” Berkey says.

Maybe even that eventual move wouldn’t completely eliminate mini camera cheating. As the suspects in France allegedly showed us, today’s video technology is truly amazing. Would you ever have guessed a mini camera could accurately capture which cards are being dealt during the split second they’re exposed as they’re pulled from a blackjack shoe?

Anyone putting their money down at a casino, particularly higher up the stakes spectrum, should at least be aware of the risk of bad actors—particularly in a game like poker, where your opponents are other patrons rather than the casino itself. Whether to combat this or any other potential scheme, a dose of diligence goes a long way.

“As long as there’s a fair game to be offered, there will be people who will try to corrupt it,” Berkey says. “The best we can do is continually work hard to keep the game as fair as possible.”

Poker Cheaters Allegedly Use Tiny Hidden Cameras to Spot Dealt Cards

Luigi Mangione, a 26-year-old graduate of the University of Pennsylvania, was apprehended on Monday after visiting a McDonald's in Altoona, Pennsylvania.

Authorities arrested a man in Pennsylvania on Monday who police say is connected to the shooting death of UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson in New York City last week.

Police apprehended Luigi Mangione, 26, in Altoona five days after Thompson was shot in Midtown Manhattan in the early hours of Wednesday, December 4, setting off a manhunt for the shooter, whose identity remained unknown. Mangione was detained after he visited a McDonald’s location in Altoona, where other guests noticed his resemblance to images of the suspected shooter released by the New York Police Department and contacted authorities, according to The New York Times.

The NYPD did not immediately respond to WIRED’s request for comment.

Prior to Mangione’s arrest, NYPD investigators mapped the alleged shooter’s movements around New York City since late November, including his stay at a Manhattan hostel, where an image of the suspect was captured without a face mask. Police later found the suspect’s backpack in Central Park, where he fled following the shooting, according to the NYPD. Authorities reportedly believe he left New York City on a bus.

Online records show that Luigi Mangione is an app developer who graduated with bachelor's and master's of science in engineering degrees from the University of Pennsylvania in May 2020. A GitHub account that appears to be Mangione’s and an Instagram account for the game development company AppRoarr Studios indicate that he is a cofounder there. AppRoarr did not immediately respond to WIRED’s request for comment.

A LinkedIn account that appears to be Mangione's lists his employer as TrueCar, an online used vehicle retailer, where he claims to have started work as a data engineer in November 2020. The company confirmed his previous employment but told The New York Times that he has not worked at TrueCar since 2023. The company did not immediately respond to WIRED's request for comment.

At the scene of Thompson’s shooting outside the New York Hilton Midtown, NYPD investigators discovered bullet casings bearing the words “delay,” “depose,” and “deny,” likely references to the ways in which health insurance companies refuse to cover customers’ medical claims. According to the Times, authorities say Mangione was carrying a “manifesto” that included passages “criticizing health care companies for putting profits above care.”

UnitedHealthcare did not immediately respond to a request for comment from WIRED. In a statement provided to other media outlets, a company spokesperson said: “Our hope is that today’s apprehension brings some relief to Brian’s family, friends, colleagues and the many others affected by this unspeakable tragedy. We thank law enforcement and will continue to work with them on this investigation. We ask that everyone respect the family’s privacy as they mourn.”

A search of Mangione’s online footprint paints a picture of a typical twentysomething, including accounts on Pinterest, Skype, Instagram, and Facebook. On X, what appears to be his account featured an image of what looks to be an X-ray following major spinal cord surgery, one of the few explicit references to health care in his online account history.

A GoodReads account featuring a photo of the suspect that also shares a username with an email address and GitHub account linked to Mangione includes several books related to back pain, including _Crooked: Outwitting the Back Pain Industry and Getting on the Road to Recovery_. Other titles include _Hillbilly Elegy_, by US vice president-elect JD Vance, and “Industrial Society and Its Future,” the anti-technology diatribe colloquially known as the Unabomber Manifesto. The GoodReads account has since been set to private.

Mangione, who was valedictorian of his private high school in the Baltimore area, appears to have been an avid gamer, with dozens of game titles listed on an Xbox Live account that shares his name. In 2018, Mangione described himself as passionate about making video games, and helped to found a game development club at Penn that was quickly joined by roughly 60 students, according to a since-deleted article on the university's news hub.

On a GitHub page believed to belong to Mangione, he shared code repositories that focused on machine learning and human-computer interaction. Among these is a project titled "Meccanoid-Imitate,” which apparently uses Arduino—an open source and easy-to-use electronics platform—and a programmable Meccanoid robot. The repository, last updated four years ago, includes animated GIFs showing Mangione in what appears to be a classroom, moving his arms while a Meccanoid robot behind him mimics his gestures.

_Updated at 5:30 pm EST, December 9, 2024, to include additional information about Mangione's employment history._

Police Arrest UnitedHealthcare CEO Shooting Suspect, App Developer Luigi Mangione

Plus: Russian spies keep hijacking other hackers’ infrastructure, Hydra dark web market admin gets life sentence in Russia, and more of the week’s top security news.

A consortium of global law enforcement agencies led by Britain’s National Crime Agency announced a takedown operation this week against two major Russian money-laundering networks that process billions of dollars each year in more than 30 locations around the world. WIRED had exclusive access to the investigation, which uncovered new and troubling laundering techniques, particularly schemes to directly change cryptocurrency for cash. As the United States government scrambles to address China’s “Salt Typhoon” digital espionage campaign into US telecoms, two senators demanded this week that the Department of Defense investigate its failure to secure its own communications and address known vulnerabilities in US telecom infrastructure. Meanwhile, Signal Foundation president Meredith Whittaker spoke at WIRED’s The Big Interview event in San Francisco this week about Signal’s enduring commitment to bring private, end-to-end encrypted communication services to people all over the world regardless of geopolitical climate.

A new smartphone scanner from the mobile device security firm iVerify can quickly and easily detect spyware and has already flagged seven devices infected with the invasive Pegasus surveillance tool. Programmer Micah Lee built a tool to help you save and delete your X posts after he offended Elon Musk and was banned from the platform. And privacy advocate Nighat Dad is fighting to protect women from digital harassment in Pakistan after escaping from an abusive marriage.

The US Federal Trade Commission is targeting data brokers who it says unlawfully tracked protesters and US military personnel, but the enforcement efforts seem likely to trail off under the Trump administration. Similarly, the US Consumer Financial Protection Bureau has devised a strategy to impose new oversight on predatory data brokers, but the new administration may not continue the initiative. Some new laws are finally coming around the world in 2025 that will attempt to regulate the dysfunction of the digital advertising industry, but malicious advertising is still booming around the world and continues to play a big role in global scamming.

And there’s more. Each week, we round up the security and privacy news we didn’t cover in-depth ourselves. Click the headlines to read the full stories. And stay safe out there.

**US Officials Urge Americans to Encrypt Calls and Texts After Chinese Telecom Hacking**

Remember how the US federal government spent much of the last three decades periodically decrying the dangers of strong, freely available encryption tools, arguing that because they enable criminals and terrorists, they should be outlawed or required to implement government-approved backdoors? As of this week, the government will never again be able to make that argument without privacy advocates pointing to a particular phone call where two officials recommended Americans use exactly those encryption tools to protect themselves amidst an ongoing massive breach of US telecoms by Chinese hackers.

In a briefing with reporters about the breach of no fewer than eight phone companies by the Chinese state-sponsored espionage hackers known as Salt Typhoon, officials from the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA) and the FBI both said that amid the still-uncontrolled infiltration of US telecoms that have exposed calls and texts, Americans should use encryption apps to safeguard their privacy. “Encryption is your friend, whether it’s on text messaging or if you have the capacity to use encrypted voice communication,” said Jeff Greene, CISA’s executive assistant director for cybersecurity. (Signal and WhatsApp, for instance, end-to-end encrypt calls and texts, though the officials didn’t name any particular apps.)

The recommendation amid what one senator has called “the worst telecom hack in our nation’s history” represents a stunning reversal from previous US officials’ rhetoric on encryption, and in particular the FBI’s repeated calls for access to backdoors in encryption. In fact, it was exactly this sort of government-approved wiretap capability requirement for US telecoms that the Salt Typhoon hackers in some cases exploited to access Americans communications.

**Russia’s FSB Hackers Keep Hijacking Other Hackers’ Infrastructure for Spying**

The hacker group known as Secret Blizzard, Snake, or Turla, widely believed to work for Russia’s FSB intelligence agency, is known for using some of the most ingenious hacking techniques ever seen to spy on its victims. One of the tricks that’s now become its signature move: hacking the infrastructure of other hackers to stealthily piggyback on their access. This week Microsoft’s threat intelligence researchers and security firm Lumen Technologies revealed that Turla gained access to the servers of a Pakistan-based hacker group and used its visibility into victim networks to spy on government, military and intelligence targets in India and Afghanistan of interest to the Kremlin. In some cases, Turla hijacked the Pakistani hackers’ access to install their own malware, while in other instances they appear to have used the other group’s tools for even greater stealth and deniability. The incident marks the fourth known time since 2017, when it penetrated an Iranian hacker group’s command-and-control servers, that Turla has freeloaded on another hacker group’s infrastructure and tooling, according to Lumen.

**Admin of Russian Dark Web Market Hydra Sentenced to Life in Prison**

The Russian government is known for turning a blind eye to cybercrime—until it doesn’t. This week 15 convicted members of the notorious dark web market Hydra learned the limits of that forbearance when they reportedly received prison sentences ranging from 8 years to 23 years, as well an unprecedented life sentence for the site’s creator Stanislav Moiseyev. Before it was taken down two years ago in a law enforcement operation led by IRS criminal investigators in the US and Germany’s BKA police agency, Hydra was a uniquely sprawling dark web marketplace, one that not only served as the post-Soviet world’s biggest online bazaar for narcotics but also a vast money laundering machine for crimes including ransomware, scams, and sanctions evasion. In total, Hydra enabled more than $5 billion dollars in dirty cryptocurrency transactions since 2015, according to crypto tracing firm Elliptic.

**Suspected Ransomware Actor “Wazawaka” Reportedly Charged and Apprehended by Russia**

Russian law enforcement charged and arrested a software developer last week who is suspected of prolific contributions to multiple ransomware groups, including building malware to extort money from businesses and other targets. The suspect is reportedly Mikhail Matveev, or “Wazawaka,” who has worked as an affiliate with ransomware gangs like Conti, LockBit, Babuk, DarkSide, and Hive. Social media reports indicate that Matveev confirmed his indictment and said that he has been released from law enforcement custody on bail.

Russia’s prosecutor general did not name Matveev, but described charges last week against a 32-year-old hacker under Article 273 of Russia’s Criminal Code, which bans the creation or use of malware. The move came as Russia seemed to be sending some sort of message about its tolerance for cybercrime with the sentencing of the dark web marketplace Hydra’s staff, including a life sentence for its administrator. In 2023, the US government indicted and sanctioned Matveev.

**FBI Is Investigating Exxon Lobbyist Firm Over Hack-and-Leak Operation Targeting Activists**

In a disturbing scoop (one we didn’t cover last week due to the Thanksgiving holiday), Reuters reporters have revealed that the FBI is now investigating a lobbying consultancy hired by Exxon over the firm’s role in a hack-and-leak operation that targeted climate change activists. DCI Group, a lobbying firm hired at the time by Exxon, allegedly gave a list of target activists to a private investigator who then outsourced a hacking operation against those targets to mercenary hackers. After the private investigator—an Israeli man named Amit Forlit, who was later arrested in London and faces US hacking charges—allegedly gave the hacked material to DCI, it leaked the activists’ internal communications about climate change litigation against Exxon to the media, Reuters discovered. The FBI, according to Reuters, has determined that DCI also first previewed that material to Exxon before leaking it. “Those documents were directly employed by Exxon to come after me with all guns blazing,” one attorney working with the activist group, the Center for Climate Integrity, told Reuters. “It turned my life upside down.”

Exxon has denied knowing about any hacking activities and DCI told Reuters in a statement that “we direct all our employees and consultants to comply with the law.”

US Officials Recommend Encryption Apps Amid Chinese Telecom Hacking

The new film about an FBI agent chasing a white supremacist terror cell is based on a true story—and one that connects the headlines of 30 years ago to those of today.

In _The Order,_ director Justin Kurzel’s electric new film, Terry Husk, a haggard, possessed FBI veteran played by Jude Law, pores over a thin paperback with a blood-red cover, paging through diagrams of targeted killings, bombings, and a gallows erected in front of the United States Capitol.

“There are six steps in that book,” says a young sheriff deputized as his assistant, played by Tye Sheridan. He gives the Cliff Notes version as he scours the book, his eyes riveted.

“Recruiting,” he says. “Fundraising. Armed revolution. Domestic terror. Assassination.

“Number six is the day of the rope.”

The book is _The Turner Diaries_, a 1978 novel that depicts the violent overthrow of the American government by armed white supremacist insurgents and the extermination of people of color and Jews in a race war. Photocopied pages from it were found in Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh’s getaway car when he was apprehended by law enforcement.

Along with Husk and Bob Mathews—the founder of a murderous underground white supremacist guerrilla outfit that counterfeited money and robbed banks and armored cars, played by Nicholas Hoult—_The Turner Diaries_ is the third major character in _The Order_. Though Mathews formally named his group the Silent Brotherhood and claimed he took little inspiration from William Luther Pierce’s incendiary novel, he and his comrades did refer to their group as “The Order”—the same term used in the book for the protagonist’s genocidal militants.

The book’s crimson cover and lurid drawings resurface time and time again. Mathews reads excerpts to his young son before bedtime; a pastor at a neo-Nazi compound in Idaho proffers it to visiting law enforcement agents; and it turns up in the hands of FBI agents desperately seeking to plot out the insurgents’ next moves.

_The Order_ unearths a critical chapter in the history of the American extreme right largely forgotten by the general public. The murder of Jewish talk radio host Alan Berg in 1984 by two of Mathews’ acolytes brought the Order to national attention 30 years ago and inspired not one but two Hollywood films in that decade—_Betrayed_ and Oliver Stone’s _Talk Radio_. Since then, though, only close observers of prison gang and skinhead culture have had cause to track mentions of the Silent Brotherhood by tweaked-out Aryan Brotherhood killers or the annual “Martyrs Day” pilgrimage of Hammerskins from across the West Coast to Whidbey Island in the Puget Sound, where Mathews met his fiery death during a shootout with the FBI.

Now, as the country ponders a return to the 2016-2020 period, when Mathews’ ideological offspring ran riot from Oregon to Washington, DC, his saga is getting marquee billing.

While the film debuts almost a full decade into the American extreme right’s current revival, screenwriter Zach Baylin and producer Bryan Haas began developing the project back in 2016, before the deadly 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia. Baylin tells WIRED that he and Haas stumbled on _The Turner Diaries_ while researching Ruby Ridge, the 1990s militia movement, and McVeigh (who slept with the book under his pillow) and casting around for a lesser-known story to explore the origins of American extremism.

“We were looking to encase the story of one of these groups inside a classic crime thriller,” Baylin says. They stumbled across _The Silent Brotherhood_, a 1989 book by reporters Kevin Flynn and Gary Gerhardt that traced the entire arc of Mathews’ crime spree, from his teenage radicalization through the John Birch Society and Phoenix militias all the way through his death and the subsequent criminal trials of his followers.

“The crimes the Order committed and the way the investigation unfolded, it had the framework of the kind of film that we’d been talking about,” he said.

Flynn and Gerhart’s book, which began with their coverage of Berg’s assassination in his driveway and followed the Order’s saga through the federal pursuit, investigation, and prosecution, is remarkably detailed. Once members of the group were up for trial, Flynn and Gerhart spent hours interviewing them in the Arapahoe County jail, gathering priceless material that allowed them to reconstruct the terrorist group’s inner workings in minute detail. Readers of the book, which is back in print (with a new title) after three decades off the shelves, will note the film’s fidelity to life, particularly in the robbery and heist scenes. However, for Flynn and Gerhardt—who died in 2015—the minutiae of Mathews’ terror campaign were a mechanism to engage audiences with a deeper, darker reality.

“We didn’t write the book for the details. We wrote it to expose the banality of evil, so readers could understand where these folks come from and how endemic it is in American society,” says Flynn, who reported for the Rocky Mountain News for nearly three decades before it shuttered in 2009. Since 2015, he has served as a city councilman in Denver.

_The Order_ is the sort of film America does not produce anymore. Its taut action scenes hearken back to _Heat_, _To Live and Die in L.A._, _The French Connection_, and Sidney Lumet’s police corruption canon (_Serpico_, _Prince of the City_, _Q&A_); the droning soundtrack does not overwhelm viewers; and Adam Arkapaw’s washed-out cinematography encapsulates both the grandeur and the intimidating solitude of the interior Pacific Northwest. The dialog is sparing, direct, and—in spite of Mathews’ grandiose promises of a renewed whites-only bastion in the Pacific Northwest—remarkably free of proselytizing.

For a movie shot in such wide-open landscapes, _The Order_ is tinged through with claustrophobia, a testament to the tension rife throughout Baylin’s writing and Kurzel’s meticulous direction. Like Al Pacino and Robert DeNiro in Michael Mann’s _Heat_, Hoult and Law only come face to face with each other a few times before their penultimate confrontation. However, Kurzel had both actors follow each other for a day and compile dossiers on their opposite number to develop a granular sense of how a manhunt actually functions.

“I wanted them to ask themselves, what does that feel like having a relationship with someone you’re trying to take down? You’re living with a phantom, in a way,” Kurzel says.

Law, whose slow-burn performance is unlike any prior role from his four decades on stage and screen, says the similarities between Husk and Mathews as two opposites of the same coin are at the core of _The Order_’s dramatic tension.

“They’re more alike than they’d ever admit—both are driven, charismatic, and know exactly how to manipulate those around them to achieve their goals,” he says. “Nicholas and I really leaned into that symmetry during our scenes together. It’s almost like they’re looking into a dark mirror—each recognizing qualities in the other that they either admire or fear. That underlying connection adds layers to their conflict, making it not just a clash of ideologies but also a deeply personal battle. It was fascinating to explore that tension with Nicholas.”

Mathews’ brief campaign of armed insurgency and domestic terrorism has continued to inspire generations of extremists in the United States and beyond, from McVeigh and the neo-Nazi bankrollers of the Aryan Republican Army to the killers of Germany’s National Socialist Underground, all the way through to contemporary groups like Atomwaffen Division, the Base and the Terrorgram Collective. The latter group, which federal law enforcement believes to be a “bold-letter, category one” domestic terrorism threat, circulates voluminous propaganda booklets that meld the ethos of _The Turner Diaries_ with Ted Kaczynski’s anti-industrial-civilization ethos and neo-Nazi occultism.

Terrorgram’s materials, which include viable bomb-making instructions, camouflage and tactical guides, and instructions on how to disable critical infrastructure like electrical substations, water treatment plants and dams, have radicalized at least one so-called “saint,” or mass shooter, and are alleged to have been connected to a series of power grid attacks in North Carolina as well as several active federal prosecutions.

“William Pierce doesn’t build bombs,” Mark Potok of the Southern Poverty Law Center, told Rolling Stone a quarter of a century ago. “He builds bombers.” In many ways, the Terrorgram Collective fulfills the same role now, and its publications have become the modern-day version of the _Turner Diaries_. Disseminated worldwide through the moderation-free wilderness of Telegram, the group’s message of hate and violence is now circulating independently of any organized group or ideology for disaffected, unbalanced “lone wolves” to latch onto as justification for future atrocities.

While _The Order_ remains firmly rooted in the past save for one passing reference to the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing in a title card, during production there was no escaping the drumbeat of resurgent far-right militancy in the United States. Kurzel, the director, recalls watching news coverage of the January 6 insurrection and remarking on the gallows erected outside the Capitol building—a drawing of which features in the book and the exposition scene with law. “_The Turner Diaries_ started to become more visible in a present-day setting in a way I was kind of shocked by,” he says, speaking to WIRED from his Tasmania residence. Indeed, following January 6, Amazon removed _The Turner Diaries_ from its online inventory.

Hoult’s bravura portrayal of an ice-cool, controlled yet menacing Mathews through the Order’s campaign of armed robbery, counterfeiting, murder, and armed confrontation with the FBI is one of the film’s dual anchors. Aside from a striking physical resemblance to the Silent Brotherhood’s founder, Hoult closely studied his subject, aping Mathews’ mannerisms and movements from old documentary footage, studying texts that radicalized his subject, lifting weights, and cutting alcohol from his diet.

“Mathews was someone who thought and planned so in advance of what his ultimate goal was, I think he always kept in sight. That’s something Justin and I spoke about, that he wouldn’t lose his head on trivial things or things that would potentially harm his cause. In his mind, he’d already, in some ways, planned his destiny,” Hoult tells WIRED.

By choosing to play Mathews with reserve instead of bombast, as more of a watcher who carefully observes his surroundings and other people to better understand how to turn situations to his advantage, Hoult aimed to show audiences how someone with the charisma of his villain could attract followers and build a movement.

“I think that shows how they penetrate communities and societies in a different way, and perhaps people in the future might be less susceptible to people who behave like him,” he says.

As with any artistic project that focuses on extremism and mass violence, _The Order_’s production team walked a fine line between showing Mathews’ magnetism and the murderous project at the heart of his ideology and actions.

“I think you need to understand the pull of a figure like this,” says Kurzel, whose prior films _Snowtown_ and _Nitram_ depicted, respectively, youthful serial killers and Australia’s worst mass shooting, the 1996 Port Arthur massacre. “Mathews is definitely someone who understands their reach and how to communicate and gather people. There’s gonna be a certain kind of charisma about that.”

Haas, one of the film’s producers, echoed Kurzel's remarks about art pushing the boundaries of acceptability. “It felt like part of the movie was to show the appeal of Bob. He was someone who had charisma, and that tied to these really toxic ideas is really dangerous,” Haas says, praising the “unrelenting realism” the cast brought to their performances.

Ultimately, the hope of slipping an unsparing portrayal of domestic extremism—produced outside of the Hollywood studio system—into the December award season is to reintroduce a discussion of radicalization to American society. “If you don’t learn from history, you’re doomed to repeat it—how a guy that, in the way Nick depicted him, could live down anybody’s street,” says Haas. “There are lots of people right now who are hurting and struggling and looking for answers.”

_Updated: 12/6/2024 4:01 pm EST: This story was updated to clarify which character reads out six steps given in_ The Turner Diaries.

The Real Story of “The Order”

Inspired by her own experience of abuse, Nighat Dad fights for women’s social and digital rights in Pakistan and beyond.

Nighat Dad grew up in a conservative family in Jhang, in Pakistan’s Punjab province. The threat of early marriage hung over her childhood like a cloud. But despite their traditional values, Dad’s parents were determined that all their children get an education, and they moved the family to Karachi so she could complete her bachelor’s degree. “I never really thought I would work, because I was never taught that we could work and be independent,” she says. “We always needed permission to do anything.”

Dad thought a master’s in law might delay the inevitable betrothal, but soon after she completed the course, she found out her parents had arranged a marriage for her. She didn’t mind her new life of domestic chores in a household she describes as “lower-middle class”—that is, until the abuse started. “That’s when my legal education reminded me that this was wrong,” she says. “Our laws, our constitution, everything protects me, so why was I facing this? Why was I tolerating it?”

With her family’s backing, Dad left her husband and filed for divorce. But after years of domestic violence and abuse and with no experience of working, she struggled with a lack of confidence. “I had no idea that women who are divorced and have a child face such difficulties in a society like ours,” she says. When her ex-husband filed a custody case for their 2-month-old baby, Dad wasn’t sure how she would pay for a lawyer. That’s when her father reminded her that she was a lawyer too.

Dad used her degree to win custody of her only child. In the process, she realized how many women in Pakistan were facing years of violence and systemic injustice. But the thing that bothered her most was the digital divide.

Before her marriage, Dad’s family never allowed her access to her own cell phone, and when she finally did get one, her husband would use it as a surveillance tool—keeping track of who she called and who was texting her. She had an escape tool in her hand, but she couldn’t use it. “Going through that by myself made me realize how quickly technology is evolving, and how it’s creating virtual spaces for marginalized communities that might not have access to physical ones,” she says. “Facing those restrictions made me understand just how crucial it is to challenge societal norms and structures around women's access to technology and the internet, so they can use it as freely as men.”

In 2012, Dad established the Digital Rights Foundation, an NGO that aims to address the digital divide and fight online abuse of women and other gender minorities in Pakistan. She began by helping women who reached out to the organization, providing advice on digital safety and emotional and mental support. In 2016—the same year Pakistan finally passed legislation against online crimes—Dad and her team launched a cyber-harassment helpline. Since 2016, it has addressed more than 16,000 complaints from across the country. “Sometimes, the police would give our phone numbers to victims seeking reliable help,” she says.

The DRF’s in-house legal team offers pro bono advice and helps women file and follow-up complaints against their abusers. “In many cases, we were successful in actually getting the perpetrator arrested and taken to trial,” Dad says. In October 2021, the DRF’s legal team helped journalist Asma Shirazi win a landmark case in the Islamabad High Court against broadcaster ARY News, after she became the target of a coordinated troll campaign which was exacerbated by a false story aired on the channel.

“If an organization like the DRF had existed when I was facing my own issues, I would have felt so much more supported—knowing there was someone to guide me legally and help me navigate the complexities,” she says. “My abuse started with surveillance, and if I had someone to talk to back then, I might have avoided the deep depression that followed. I might not have ended up in such a miserable situation.”

Today, Dad and the DRF are helping to steer global conversations about tech policy reform. She recently joined the United Nations’ AI Advisory Board, and was a founder member of Meta’s Oversight Board, which acts as an independent platform for people to appeal decisions made by the social media giant. “The emerging tech space is mostly driven by big Western companies and governments, leaving out civil society NGOs from the Global South,” she says. “This puts us far behind in global AI governance, always playing catch-up in a fast-moving world. If we’re not part of the conversation, the gap just keeps widening. It’s about reminding the powerful that they can’t win this race alone—they have a responsibility to include the rest of the world, especially those without the same resources.”

_This article first appeared in the January/February 2025 edition of WIRED UK._

She Escaped an Abusive Marriage—Now She Helps Women Battle Cyber Harassment

The mobile device security firm iVerify has been offering a tool since May that makes spyware scanning accessible to anyone—and it’s already turning up victims.

In recent years, commercial spyware has been deployed by more actors against a wider range of victims, but the prevailing narrative has still been that the malware is used in targeted attacks against an extremely small number of people. At the same time, though, it has been difficult to check devices for infection, leading individuals to navigate an ad hoc array of academic institutions and NGOs that have been on the front lines of developing forensic techniques to detect mobile spyware. On Tuesday, the mobile device security firm iVerify is publishing findings from a spyware detection feature it launched in May. Of 2,500 device scans that the company's customers elected to submit for inspection, seven revealed infections by the notorious NSO Group malware known as Pegasus.

The company’s Mobile Threat Hunting feature uses a combination of malware signature-based detection, heuristics, and machine learning to look for anomalies in iOS and Android device activity or telltale signs of spyware infection. For paying iVerify customers, the tool regularly checks devices for potential compromise. But the company also offers a free version of the feature for anyone who downloads the iVerify Basics app for $1. These users can walk through steps to generate and send a special diagnostic utility file to iVerify and receive analysis within hours. Free users can use the tool once a month. iVerify's infrastructure is built to be privacy-preserving, but to run the Mobile Threat Hunting feature, users must enter an email address so the company has a way to contact them if a scan turns up spyware—as it did in the seven recent Pegasus discoveries.

“The really fascinating thing is that the people who were targeted were not just journalists and activists, but business leaders, people running commercial enterprises, people in government positions,” says Rocky Cole, chief operating officer of iVerify and a former US National Security Agency analyst. “It looks a lot more like the targeting profile of your average piece of malware or your average APT group than it does the narrative that’s been out there that mercenary spyware is being abused to target activists. It is doing that, absolutely, but this cross section of society was surprising to find.”

Seven out of 2,500 scans may sound like a small group, especially in the somewhat self-selecting customer base of iVerify users, whether paying or free, who want to be monitoring their mobile device security at all, much less checking specifically for spyware. But the fact that the tool has already found a handful of infections at all speaks to how widely the use of spyware has proliferated around the world. Having an easy tool for diagnosing spyware compromises may well expand the picture of just how often such malware is being used.

“NSO Group sells its products exclusively to vetted US & Israel-allied intelligence and law enforcement agencies,” NSO Group spokesperson Gil Lainer told WIRED in a statement. "Our customers use these technologies daily.”

iVerify says that it took significant investment to develop the detection tool because mobile operating systems like Android, and particularly iOS, are more locked down than traditional desktop operating systems and don't allow monitoring software to have kernel access at the heart of the system. Cole says that the crucial insight was to use telemetry taken from as close to the kernel as possible to tune machine learning models for detection. Some spyware, like Pegasus, also has characteristic traits that make it easier to flag. In the seven detections, Mobile Threat Hunting caught Pegasus using diagnostic data, shutdown logs, and crash logs. But the challenge, Cole says, is in refining mobile monitoring tools to reduce false positives.

Developing the detection capability has already been invaluable, though. Cole says that it helped iVerify identify signs of compromise on the smartphone of Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, a lawyer and Sikh political activist who was the target of an alleged, foiled assassination attempt by an Indian government employee in New York City. The Mobile Threat Hunting feature also flagged suspected nation state activity on the mobile devices of two Harris-Walz campaign officials—a senior member of the campaign and an IT department member—during the presidential race.

“The age of assuming that iPhones and Android phones are safe out of the box is over,” Cole says. “The sorts of capabilities to know if your phone has spyware on it were not widespread. There were technical barriers and it was leaving a lot of people behind. Now you have the ability to know if your phone is infected with commercial spyware. And the rate is much higher than the prevailing narrative.”

_Updated at 12:12 pm EST, December 4, 2024, to include a statement from NSO Group._

Source

Wired